Since the July 25, 2021 coup, Tunisia has entered into an exceptional political path, to overthrow democratic achievements and human rights gains that the Tunisians have accumulated along a full decade of democratic transition.
Away from the logic of condemnation or justification, a fundamental requirement is waving on the horizon, which is almost imposed on everyone, which is the necessity of a serious critical review of the post -revolution experience, and the formula of a new political horizon that is cut off with tyranny, without reproducing the previous decimal failures, and establishes the state of citizenship, a state that is reconciled with its people, strong, developing, and fair.
At the heart of this horizon, the idea of an inclusive democratic political charter is highlighted, not limited to the sharing of power, but also establishes a new political culture based on pluralism, respect for rights and freedoms, rejecting exclusion and discreet and hatred speeches, which are the elements whose absence previously contributed to preparing the soil of the coup.
In this context, a pivotal question arises: What can be a common base between the various political and social actors and the general elites in Tunisia to assess the past and foresee the future?
The decade of democratic transition: from hope to frustration
The revolution (January 2011) has opened the doors of hope for Tunisians: fair and transparent elections, a new constitution, rights and freedoms, independent media, and an active civil society. But, little by little, feeling lethal began to leak, later turned into anger, then indifference. With the passage of time, confidence in the elites has declined, and in the entire political process.
Despite the ideological and political differences, and despite the difference in power between power and opposition, some common points can be limited to the evaluation of the performance of the previous decade as follows:
1- The priority of democracy has not been translated into a priority for development
Despite the relative progress in the political track by building the institutions of government, ensuring freedoms, and the regularity and transparency of elections, this progress remained elitist and formal, without reflected on the concerns of citizens and their daily living.
The priority of vital social and economic files, such as work, health, education, transportation, and regional justice, was absent, deepening the gap between the state and society, and produced a state of general frustration, especially among young people and marginalized who had high expectations of the revolution.
This gap was invested in the populist discourse, which found in disappointment a fertile environment to present itself as an alternative to elites who did not succeed in linking democracy to development, which made the transitional experience appear incomplete in the eyes of many.
2- Party conflicts without a national horizon
The system of government in Tunisia, during the democratic transition (2011-2021), witnessed a multi-dimensional structural crisis, which was the tension in the relationship between the three state institutions: the presidency of the Republic, the presidency of the government, and the parliament.
This crisis was embodied in the absence of institutional harmony and the multiplicity of interpretations of the constitution, which led to the overlapping of powers and the lack of coordination, and contributed to the consolidation of a state of political instability.
The manifestations of the crisis were not limited to the relations between the three ribs of power, but withdrew to each of them. The parliament, especially after the 2019 elections, defined a clear deterioration in its legislative and supervisory role, and turned into a square of interactions between the parliamentary blocs, characterized by continuous tensions and personal quarrels that overshadow the scene, which harmed the image of the institution and the weakest of general confidence in it.
The major national bets were absent in front of conflicts that were driven by factional calculations and circumstantial alliances, which often collapsed with the change of the balance of power.
This institutional erosion has increased the adoption of some parties that the speeches and practices aimed at undermining the role of the council and disrupting its performance, by appointing the scene, spreading chaos, and spreading the climate of division and inconsistency, which negatively affected the political process and the weakest national unity.
In terms of government work, the conflict between its partisan components contributed to weakening internal harmony and the decline in executive effectiveness.
As for the Presidency of the Republic, despite its symbolism in the semi -parliamentary system, it witnessed a volatile role subject to the personality of the president; Where the stage of the late President Al -Baji Qaid Essebsi was characterized by a kind of consensus, while the Foundation headed during the era of Qais Saeed towards escalation and clash, which deepened tension and confused balances.
The 2014 constitution, despite its semi -parliamentary system, contributed to fueling this situation through the extensive margins of interpretation, which opened the door to repeated conflicts over powers, especially between the two heads of the executive, in the absence of effective mechanisms to resolve constitutional differences.
The concerted factors, internally and institutionally, led to the inability of the system of government to achieve the minimum political stability, or to provide effective responses to development challenges. As a result, citizen confidence in institutions and elites has declined, and the auxiliary climates of the July 25, 2021 coup were provided on the rules of the democratic game.
3- The absence of a real will to achieve social justice
Despite the frequent slogans on development and social justice, successive governments failed to achieve an actual transformation in the reality of social and regional disparity.
On the sidelines of development, the interior has been suffering from weak infrastructure and scarcity of operational opportunities, while investments and services were concentrated in coastal areas.
The collection system also continued to load the burdens to the middle and weak classes, without actually affecting the owners of major wealth, which maintained the influence and gains of traditional economic elites. This accumulated failure deepened the sense of injustice and marginalization, and increased the level of anger and popular congestion, especially in the deprived circles of the fruits of transition.
4- Defined transitional justice
The past files remained open, without a conclusive statement of the truth or actual accountability of those responsible for violations, not even building a reconciliation path that guarantees fairness and preserves collective memory.
The path of transitional justice, which was supposed to establish a clear estrangement with tyranny, stumbled, which weakened confidence in state institutions and confused the path of building democracy.
This failure gave an opportunity for a gradual return of the symbols of the old system, whether through the polls, or through the position in the media, or through the economic and administrative influence networks, in order to reproduce the traditional power centers, and threw a shadow of the seriousness of the democratic transformation.
5- Freedom without responsibility
Freedom of expression was one of the most prominent gains of the revolution, as the public space was freed from censorship and prevention, and the word became open without fear or restriction. However, this freedom was not attached to a political or media responsibility that is its use.
Ethical and professional standards were absent in public discourse, giving way to the spread of hate speech and incitement, and the political debate turned into an exchange of accusations and popularity instead of offering alternatives.
In addition to social media, the media contributed to the dedication of this decline by manipulating the information, misleading public opinion, and demonizing the opponents, emptying freedom of expression from its democratic content, and turning it often into a tool of conflict, not into a responsible means of awareness and discussion.
After the coup: the need to agree on a common ground
Today, four years after the coup, most of the political and civil forces are unanimously gathered that the July 25 track did not produce development or political stability, but rather deepened international isolation, the weakest state institutions, and devoted one individual rule. The most important question remains: How is the way out of this tunnel?
The exit from this tunnel will not be only by condemning the coup, but rather by providing an alternative, rational, and comprehensive national project that starts from the evaluation of the past, and establishes a better future. It is possible to talk about five points that form a possible ground for compatibility:
1- Recovering democratic life on solid foundations
The basic and most urgent requirement today is to end the individual rule and restore the democratic path, but without being satisfied with the formal return until before July 25, when democracy was suffering from deep damage.
What is required is not only the retrieval of elected institutions, but to rebuild the political system on more balanced and efficient foundations, and transcend the logic of conflict between the authorities, through a clear distribution of powers, and effective mechanisms for monitoring and accountability, ensuring the independence of the judiciary, the impartiality of the administration, and freedom of the media, while fortifying rights and freedoms from every futility or employment.
The purpose is not to restore the past, but rather correcting the path towards an effective democracy that secures justice, and responds to the expectations of people.
2- Building a new social contract
It is not enough to adhere to the major slogans of freedoms and democracy unless they are settled with a clear vision of social justice, which address deep disparities and respond to the expectations of marginalized groups.
Democracy loses its meaning if it remains a monopoly on political rights without extending to economic and social rights. What is required today is a new social contract that ends the logic of the rentier and favorite economy, and establishes a more fair and equal development model in opportunities.
This contract must achieve a real balance between freedom and justice, so that freedom is not a privilege of elites, nor justice is merely deferred promises, but rather a common basis for complete and effective citizenship.
3- A comprehensive reform of the political system and institutions
The experience of the past decade revealed that the hybrid political system, which brought together the characteristics of the parliamentary and presidential systems without clarity in the powers, led to institutional confusion and paralysis in the decision, and confused the balance of the executive authority.
This defect weakened the effectiveness of the state and promoted party conflicts. Today, a growing awareness of the necessity of reviewing this system, through a fundamental reform of the electoral law that guarantees a real representation and political stability, and the control of clear and transparent mechanisms to form governments and give them confidence.
The need to enhance the independence of the judiciary also increases, as a guarantor of rights and freedoms, and protecting the media from political and financial employment, to ensure a sound and balanced democratic environment.
4- Renewing elites and political discourse
The Tunisian street has shown in recent years a state of exhaustion and lack of confidence towards traditional political elites, which proved its inability not only to provide actual solutions to the accumulated crises, but even from renewing its discourse or approaching reality in a rational language.
These elites remained captive to their narrow conflicts and populist or logical speeches, which deepened the gap between them and the citizen. The future no longer can accommodate this pattern of political action, but rather imposes the emergence of new faces that carry a realistic and responsible project, which moves away from the auctions, and starts from an accurate understanding of the concerns of people and the challenges of the stage, within the framework of a rational discourse that combines efficiency and political honesty.
5- A pivotal role for civil society and national organizations
The major civil society organizations, such as the Tunisian General Labor Union, the Lawyers Authority, and the Tunisian Human Rights Association are essential pillars to ensure the continuity of democratic transformation and monitor national political consensus.
However, her experience during the past decade has witnessed excessive interference in political conflicts, which led to her political role at the expense of her real tasks.
Therefore, the future requires a fundamental reform of these institutions, in order to restore their credibility and enable its national role objectively, away from political tensions, with a focus on leading a comprehensive national dialogue that establishes the principles of justice and equality, and enhances major consensus for the benefit of the state and society.
From evaluation to action: Can the division be overcome?
The fundamental question that is posed today is not only: What did we mistake? But: What do we do now?
Despite the current dispersion, there are references to the possibility of developing a new scene, based on the rationalization of political discourse, the collection of civil and political energies about clear principles and major ideas, which go beyond ideological polarization in favor of realistic programs, and openness to groups that were not part of the scene, and they are: (youth, local actors, independent initiatives).
The current moment in Tunisia is not only a moment of resistance to tyranny, but a new moment of construction, which requires audacity to review, honestly in the frankness, and the ability to give up small accounts for the benefit of the country.
A review without fear, a future without tyranny
Perhaps the most important lesson in Tunisia’s experience is that freedom alone does not make democracy, and that formal democracy, without social justice or rational governance, does not withstand long. But, also, tyranny does not build a state, does not achieve development, nor does it preserve dignity.
Between yesterday’s tyranny, post -revolution chaos, and blotting today, Tunisia stands in front of a real crossroads. In order not to return to the first square, Tunisia needs a new elite, putting the homeland before the accounts, and built on mistakes, not to repeat them.
In this context, the Democratic Political Charter is no longer a secondary luxury or choice, but rather a historical necessity to protect the public sphere, fortify democratic life from corrosion, and restore confidence to the citizen in the feasibility of political action.
It is the moment of foundation again, this time is not only built on the polls, but rather a collective critical awareness and a responsible political culture, which goes beyond the logic of the spoil and the stigma, towards a fair, free, and multiple state.
The opinions in the article do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Al -Jazeera.